JROTC
and the Militarizing of America
It should be no secret that the United States
has the biggest, most efficiently organized, most effective system for
recruiting child soldiers in the world. With uncharacteristic modesty, however, the
Pentagon doesn’t call it that. Its term is “youth development program.” Pushed
by multiple high-powered, highly paid public relations and advertising firms
under contract to the Department of Defense, the program is a many splendored
thing. Its major public face is the Junior Reserve Officers Training Corps or
JROTC.
What makes this child-soldier recruiting
program so striking is that the Pentagon carries it out in plain sight in
hundreds and hundreds of private, military, and public high schools across the
U.S.
Unlike the notorious
West African warlords Foday Sankoh and Charles Taylor (both brought before international tribunals on
charges of war crimes), the Pentagon doesn’t actually kidnap children and drag
them bodily into battle. It seeks instead to make its young “cadets” what
John Stuart Mill once termed “willing slaves,” so taken in by the master’s
script that they accept their parts with a gusto that passes for personal
choice. To that end, JROTC works on their not-yet-fully-developed minds,
instilling what the program’s textbooks call “patriotism” and “leadership,” as
well as a reflexive attention to authoritarian commands.
The scheme is much more sophisticated than any
ever devised in Liberia or Sierra Leone. The result is the same, however: kids
get swept into soldiering, a job they will not be free to leave, and in the
course of which they may be forced to commit spirit-breaking atrocities. When
they start to crack under pressure, in the U.S. as in West Africa, out come the
drugs. The JROTC program, still spreading in high schools across the country, costs U.S. taxpayers hundreds of millions of dollars annually.
It has cost some unknown number of taxpayers their children.
The Acne and Braces
Brigades I first stumbled upon JROTC kids a few years ago at a Veterans
Day parade in Boston. Before it got underway, I wandered among the uniformed
groups taking their places along the Boston Common. There were some old geezers
sporting the banners of their American Legion posts, a few high school bands,
and some sharp young men in smart dress uniforms: greater Boston’s military
recruiters.
Then there were the kids. The acne and braces
brigades, 14- and 15-year-olds in military uniforms carrying rifles against
their shoulders. Some of the girl groups
sported snazzy white gloves. Far too many such groups, with far too many
underage children, stretched the length of Boston Common. They represented all
branches of the military and many different local communities, though almost
all of them were brown or black in hue: African Americans, Hispanics, the
children of immigrants from Vietnam and other points South. Just last month in
New York City, I watched similarly color-coded JROTC squads march up Fifth
Avenue on Veterans’ Day.
In Boston, I asked a 14-year-old boy why he
had joined JROTC. He wore a junior Army uniform and toted a rifle nearly as big
as himself. He said, “My dad, he left us, and my mom, she works two jobs, and
when she gets home, well, she’s not big on structure. But they told us at
school you gotta have a lot of structure if you want to get somewhere. So I
guess you could say I joined up for that.”
A group of girls, all Army JROTC members, told
me they took classes with the boys but had their own all-girl (all-black) drill
team that competed against others as far away as New Jersey. They showed me
their medals and invited me to their high school to see their trophies. They,
too, were 14 or 15. They jumped up and down like the enthusiastic young teens
they were as we talked. One said, “I never got no prizes before.”
Their excitement took me back. When I was
their age, growing up in the Midwest, I rose before daybreak to march around a
football field and practice close formation maneuvers in the dark before the
school day began. Nothing would have kept me from that “structure,” that
“drill,” that “team,” but I was in a marching band and the weapon I carried was
a clarinet. JROTC has entrapped that eternal youthful yearning to be part of
something bigger and more important than one’s own pitiful, neglected,
acne-spattered self. JROTC captures youthful idealism and ambition, twists it,
trains it, arms it, and sets it on the path to war.
Officially, the
Pentagon claims that JROTC is not a recruiting program. Privately, it never
considered it to be anything else. Army JROTC now describes itself
as having “evolved from a source of enlisted recruits and officer candidates to
a citizenship program devoted to the moral, physical, and educational uplift of
American youth.” Yet former Defense Secretary William Cohen, testifying before
the House Armed Services Committee in 2000, named JROTC “one of the best recruiting devices that we could
have.”
With that
unacknowledged mission in hand, the Pentagon pushed for a goal first advanced
in 1991 by Colin Powell, then chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff: the
establishment of 3,500 JROTC units to “uplift” students in high schools
nationwide. The plan was to expand into "educationally and economically deprived
areas.” The shoddy schools of the inner cities, the rust belt, the deep South,
and Texas became rich hunting grounds. By the start of 2013, the Army alone was
recycling 4,000 retired officers to run its programs in 1,731 high schools. All
together, Army, Air Force, Navy, and Marine JROTC units now flourish in 3,402
high schools nationwide -- 65% of them in the South -- with a total enrollment
of 557,129 kids.
Here’s how the program
works. The Department of Defense spends several
hundred million dollars to provide uniforms, Pentagon-approved textbooks, and
equipment to JROTC, as well as part of the instructors’ salaries. Those
instructors, assigned by the military (not the schools), are retired officers.
They continue to collect federal retirement pay, even though the schools are
required to cover their salaries at levels they would receive on active duty.
The military then reimburses the school for about half of that hefty pay, but
the school is still out a bundle.
Local schools have no control over the
Pentagon’s prescribed JROTC curricula, which are inherently biased toward
militarism. What else but inferior quality might be expected from self-serving
textbooks written by competing branches of the military and used by retired
military men with no teaching qualifications or experience? For one thing,
neither the texts nor the instructors teach the sort of critical thinking
central to the best school curricula today. Instead, they inculcate obedience
to authority, inspire fear of “enemies,” and advance the primacy of military
might in American foreign policy.
Civic groups have
raised other objections to JROTC, ranging from discriminatory practices --
against gays, immigrants, and Muslims, for example -- to dangerous ones, such
as bringing guns into schools (of all places). Some units even set up shooting
ranges where automatic rifles and live ammunition are used. JROTC embellishes
the dangerous mystique of such weapons, making them objects to covet, embrace,
and jump at the chance to use.
In its own defense,
the program publicizes a selling point widely accepted across the United
States: that it provides "structure," keeps kids from dropping out of
school, and turns boys (and now girls) of "troubled" background into
"men" who, without JROTC to save them would become junkies or
criminals or worse. No evidence exists to prove these claims, however, apart
from student testimonials like that offered by the 14-year-old who told me he
joined up for “structure.” That kids
(and their parents) fall for this sales pitch is a measure of their own limited
options. The great majority of students find better, more life-affirming
“structure” in school itself through academic courses, sports, choirs, bands,
science or language clubs, internships, in schools where such opportunities
exist. Yet it is precisely in schools with such programs that administrators,
teachers, parents, and kids working together are most likely to succeed in
keeping JROTC out. It is left to the “economically and educationally deprived”
school systems targeted by the Pentagon to cut such “frills” and blow their
budgets on a colonel or two.
School Days In one such Boston
inner city school, predominantly black, I sat in on JROTC classes where kids
watched endless films of soldiers on parade, then had a go at it themselves in
the school gym, rifles in hand. Since those classes often seemed to consist of hanging
out, students had lots of time to chat with the Army recruiter whose desk was
conveniently located in the JROTC classroom.
They chatted with me, too. A 16-year-old
African American girl, who was first in her class and had already signed up for
the Army, told me she would make the military her career. Her instructor -- a
white colonel she regarded as the father she never had at home -- had led the
class to believe that “our war” would go on for a very long time, or as he put
it, “until we’ve killed every last Muslim on Earth.” She wanted to help save
America by devoting her life to that “big job ahead.” Stunned, I blurted out,
“But what about Malcolm X?” He grew up in Boston and a boulevard not far from
the school was named in his honor. “Wasn’t he a Muslim?” I asked. “Oh no,
ma’am,” she said. “Malcolm X was an American.”
A senior boy, who had also signed up with the
recruiter, wanted to escape the violence of city streets. He joined up shortly
after one of his best friends, caught in the crossfire of somebody else’s
fight, was killed in a convenience store just down the block from the school. He
told me, “I’ve got no future here. I might as well be in Afghanistan.” He
thought his chances of survival would be better there, but he worried about the
fact that he had to finish high school before reporting for “duty.” He said, “I
just hope I can make it to the war.”
What kind of school system gives boys and
girls such “choices”? What kind of country? [Abridged]
© 2013 Ann Jones http://www.commondreams.org/view/2013/12/16-2