Economist Thomas
Piketty's message is bleak: the gap between rich and poor threatens to destroy
us
Will Hutton Guardian/UK 12 April 2014
Suddenly,
there is a new economist making waves – and he is not on the right. At the
conference of the Institute of New Economic Thinking in Toronto last week,
Thomas Piketty's book Capital in the Twenty-First Century got at
least one mention at every session I attended. You have to go back to the 1970s
and Milton Friedman for a single economist to have had such an impact. Piketty
is in no doubt that the current level of rising wealth inequality, set to grow
still further, now imperils the very future of capitalism. He has proved it.
It is a
startling thesis and one extraordinarily unwelcome to those who think
capitalism and inequality need each other. Capitalism requires inequality of
wealth, runs this right-of-centre argument, to stimulate risk-taking and
effort; governments trying to stem it with taxes on wealth, capital,
inheritance and property kill the goose that lays the golden egg. Thus Messrs
Cameron and Osborne faithfully champion lower inheritance taxes, refuse to
reshape the council tax and boast about the business-friendly low capital gains
and corporation tax regime.
Piketty
deploys 200 years of data to prove them wrong. Capital, he argues, is blind.
Once its returns – investing in anything from buy-to-let property to a new car
factory – exceed the real growth of wages and output, as historically they
always have done (excepting a few periods such as 1910 to 1950), then
inevitably the stock of capital will rise disproportionately faster within the
overall pattern of output. Wealth inequality rises exponentially.
Inequality
of wealth in Europe and US is broadly twice the inequality of income – the top
10% have between 60% and 70% of all wealth but merely 25% to 35% of all income.
But this concentration of wealth is already at pre-First World War levels, and
heading back to those of the late 19th century, when the luck of who might
expect to inherit what was the dominant element in economic and social life.
Piketty
shows how the period between 1910 and 1950, when that inequality was reduced,
was aberrant. It took war and depression to arrest the inequality dynamic,
along with the need to introduce high taxes on high incomes, especially
unearned incomes, to sustain social peace. Now the process of blind capital
multiplying faster in fewer hands is under way again and on a global scale. The
consequences, writes Piketty, are "potentially terrifying".
Anyone with
the capacity to own in an era when the returns exceed those of wages and output
will quickly become disproportionately and progressively richer. The incentive
is to be a rentier rather than a risk-taker: witness the explosion of
buy-to-let. Our companies and our rich don't need to back frontier innovation
or even invest to produce: they just need to harvest their returns and tax
breaks, tax shelters and compound interest will do the rest.
Capitalist
dynamism is undermined, but other forces join to wreck the system. Piketty
notes that the rich are effective at protecting their wealth from taxation and
that progressively the proportion of the total tax burden shouldered by those
on middle incomes has risen. In Britain, it may be true that the top 1% pays a
third of all income tax, but income tax constitutes only 25% of all tax
revenue: 45% comes from VAT, excise duties and national insurance paid by the
mass of the population. As a result, the
burden of paying for public goods such as education, health and housing is increasingly
shouldered by average taxpayers, who don't have the wherewithal to sustain
them.
Wealth
inequality thus becomes a recipe for slowing, innovation-averse, rentier
economies, tougher working conditions and degraded public services. Meanwhile,
the rich get ever richer and more detached from the societies of which they are
part, not by merit or hard work, but simply because they are lucky enough to be
in command of capital receiving higher returns than wages over time. Our collective
sense of justice is outraged.
The lesson
of the past is that societies try to protect themselves: they close their
borders or have revolutions – or end up going to war. Piketty fears a repeat. His
data is under intense scrutiny for mistakes. So far it has all held up.
The
solutions – a top income tax rate of up to 80%, effective inheritance tax,
proper property taxes and, because the issue is global, a global wealth tax –
are currently inconceivable. But as Piketty says, the task of economists is to
make them more conceivable. [Abridged]
http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/apr/12/capitalism-isnt-working-thomas-piketty
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